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Dialogue on Views on Civilization | Sun Chenghao

【Reviews】Time:2023-11-29      Source:本站      Views:16455

Challenges and Reflections on New Media Communication in the Background of China-US Competition

The current China-US relationship, in my opinion, can be aptly described as a "game" or "competition". Against the backdrop of this competition, our country's foreign discourse communication also faces more severe challenges. The new version of the "National Security Strategy" report by the Biden administration marks the official entry of the United States' national security strategy into the third phase after the Cold War, and it also signifies the shaping of the US national security strategy with the theme of "great power competition".

The first two phases were the "engagement and expansion" strategy initiated by the Clinton administration and the "counterterrorism" strategy pursued by the Bush administration after the "9/11 attacks". The content of the US National Security Strategy report does not need to be reiterated, as most of it still follows the train of thought outlined in Secretary of State Blinken's policy speech on China in May 2022. In my opinion, its most significant characteristic is that it demonstrates the United States' serious and "long-term" attitude towards competing with China, rather than the "false competition" of the Trump era. Compared to the China-US relationship during the Trump era, the Biden administration's strategy towards China is more sophisticated in design.

In the specific context of international communication, I believe that new media communication under the backdrop of China-US competition has the following characteristics:

The importance of new media in international relations is increasingly rising. The development of the Internet has made new media one of the primary platforms for people to access information and engage in mutual communication. It has also become an important window for countries or political figures to conduct external dissemination and even announce policies. For example, during the Trump administration, President Trump broke the norms of previous presidents and frequently used Twitter for late-night surprises, announcing policy positions. This approach was referred to as "Twitter diplomacy" by the outside world. During the Ukraine crisis, the White House invited 30 TikTok influencers to participate in shaping public opinion and providing a "correct introduction" to the Russia-Ukraine situation and the United States' and NATO's policies towards Russia. This reflects the significant role of new media platforms in American external dissemination. Therefore, even though new media has not yet become an equal actor alongside states and international organizations in international relations, its influence is increasingly significant. It has become an undeniable force and platform in the field of international relations.

The role of new media in the context of China-US competition is increasingly complex. As new media becomes a more prominent force in international relations, and given that the China-US relationship is a crucial factor determining the trajectory of international relations, especially among major powers, the presence of new media elements in the China-US relationship has significantly increased in recent years. Both China and the United States have been impacted by new media in their interactions and have also sought to utilize new media to advance their diplomatic efforts and safeguard national interests.

For instance, Chinese domestic new media platforms such as WeChat, Weibo and Douyin, as well as American platforms like Facebook and Twitter, are becoming important means for both countries to engage in public diplomacy. However, due to the current US positioning of China as a "strategic competitor" and the lack of trust in China's domestic and foreign policies, this is reflected in the field of new media as the United States seeks to prevent China from occupying the international media discourse space and deliberately monopolizes media international discourse power while squeezing the space for various Chinese media outlets.

The United States' propaganda offensive against China began quite early. During World War II, the United States heavily promoted the importance of the US-China alliance after the Pearl Harbor incident through "Voice of America", strengthening the confidence of the Chinese people in resisting Japan. With the development of the Internet, the US government has placed greater emphasis on the role of new media in public diplomacy towards China. They established the Office of eDiplomacy in 2003 and the Office of the Coordinator for Cyber Issues in 2005. During Obama's presidency, his foreign policy emphasized "smart power", leading to the establishment of the position of Chief Information Officer (CIO) in the federal government. The aim was to maintain the efficiency of government websites and convey the official voice of the United States to the outside world.

Subsequently, both the Trump and Biden administrations used Twitter and Facebook accounts to announce their policies towards China and express their personal viewpoints. New media has become an important platform for the United States to conduct diplomacy with China, promote American values, and engage in the "democratic" export. The US has also engaged in blackening China's image and creating controversies on issues related to China's domestic affairs, the pandemic and more. During the midterm elections, some US lawmakers even interfered in our country's internal affairs regarding the Taiwan issue on Twitter. Thanks to our efforts, these rumors have been effectively clarified. However, some of these rumors persisted in the international public opinion sphere for a period of time, leading to a deepening misunderstanding of China among some netizens and countries who lack understanding about China. This has posed significant disruptions to our diplomatic efforts and external communication work.

China started using new media for public diplomacy towards the United States relatively late, but it has also achieved results. For example, some Chinese ambassadors, spokespersons from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and well-known media figures have opened personal accounts on international new media platforms such as Twitter and actively voiced their opinions, introducing Chinese policies and culture. Previously, CCTV News Channel launched the Vlog series "Frontline of Major Power Diplomacy", which introduced the diplomatic trips of Chinese leaders in a casual and lively manner through video blogs. It garnered significant attention both domestically and internationally. This approach has been consistently employed during diplomatic activities, including the video meetings between Chinese and American leaders.

Given the current backdrop of China-US competition, I have the following considerations regarding our country's new media communication efforts. To be realistic, China still faces significant challenges in utilizing new media for external communication, especially when considering that the US has firmly locked its strategic focus on competition with China. Moreover, the US continues to hold considerable influence over international public opinion. For China's discourse to reach a broader audience and have a lasting impact in new media communication, it must overcome the following challenges.

First, how to strive for a more proactive position in the international public opinion sphere is a key challenge. The international public and politicians have a greater understanding of China through Western media such as the United States and Europe, creating certain "stereotypes". Additionally, in the era of new media, information spreads and amplifies at an extremely rapid pace. Western countries, including the United States, often seize upon certain issues to launch vigorous attacks, smear campaigns, and spread rumors. This not only affects the shaping of our image but also undermines the effectiveness of our external communication efforts.

Second, how to address the issue of the "hard packaging" of China's soft power by the United States and Western countries is another challenge. Currently, the United States employs the tactic of stigmatizing China's external communication efforts, labeling it as "sharp power", and accusing China of engaging in ideological influence. This misleads foreign audiences who lack understanding of China and has become an unavoidable obstacle for our cultural outreach efforts.

Third, how to enhance the attractiveness of relevant content on international new media platforms is crucial. For instance, although China has a considerable number of short videos promoted in the international public opinion sphere, there is a lack of innovation in content. Some new media content production has not yet aligned with international perspectives, failing to fully engage overseas audiences and evoke resonance between the audience and the works.

The deep-rooted misunderstandings and biases towards China in the West only make these challenges even more difficult. Particularly due to differences in development paths and ideological divergences, the United States views China as its comprehensive "top competitor". Additionally, new media accelerates the dissemination of various types of news, continually amplifying the US biases against China.

When engaging in discussions with scholars from US think tanks, we often emphasize that exchanges between people and cultures should be a "special zone" in bilateral relations, free from the interference of political and diplomatic fluctuations. Exploring the essence of Chinese culture and objectively, truthfully and accurately conveying our national culture to the outside world is not only important but also feasible for strengthening dialogue and cooperation between China and the United States, deepening mutual understanding of our values, and promoting the stable and long-term development of bilateral relations. In this regard, new media should play an increasingly important and positive role.


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